“The Game of Truth” and the Religious Crisis – Folha de S. Paulo, October 15, 1969

by Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira

Following General Garrastazu Médici’s acclaimed speech a few days ago, the Brazilian people highlighted this phrase as especially revealing: “The time has come for us to play the game of truth.” It is seen as the defining spirit that will guide our future president. Indeed, the idea that the moment of truth had arrived made Brazil feel like it was finally breathing fresh air.

Don’t think that, by saying this, I am indirectly criticizing anyone. I believe that, for several reasons—many entirely justifiable—this narrowing of the truth has become more evident in our public life, with almost everyone’s participation. The shared desire to compromise, avoid issues, and stay away from disputes has contributed. But there is a limit to everything. General Médici was right to recognize that, in this case, the limit had been surpassed and to speak openly about it.

Working with the future President, it is our responsibility to seek the complete truth. Personally, I am taking a bold step forward, believing I am acting in the best interest of the nation.

* * *

Three recent newspaper clippings give me reason to emphasize here, even more clearly than before, one of the most active sources of confusion and unrest in Brazil today.

According to O Estado de S. Paulo on the 9th of this month, detailed documentation on the notorious Popular Action, which caused so much turmoil in our country, was published in Belo Horizonte’s Diário de Justiça. O Estado quotes these words by the military prosecutor:

Over the years, acts of subversion by this criminal group have grown, as evidenced not only by court cases nationwide but also by their extensive and deep influence in all social and professional circles, always aiming to seize power through armed struggle.

Rio’s O Globo daily reported on the 6th of this month that the three notorious French priests from Belo Horizonte had been expelled from Brazil. It published a detailed summary of the subversive documents found in their possession.

On the 9th of this month, I read in O Estado de São Paulo a statement by a highly talented writer whose integrity is widely recognized, Gustavo Corção.

Supported by Belo Horizonte’s church authorities and the CNBB, those priests promote outright Marxism. Among my documents is a JOC publication titled Missão Operária [Workers’ Mission], signed by Father Michel, who, besides preaching subversion himself, has corresponded with various communist agents in Brazil and Argentina.

These publications reveal two more scandals—just to mention written documents—adding to the infamous Comblin document. As a result, communist infiltration in Brazilian Catholic circles is becoming more evident.

In this context—and considering that non-religious factors also help spread communism in the country—Brazilians seeking to eliminate the red threat need to identify which of these many factors is the most influential and should be targeted with the most urgent actions. The Communist Party, which is small, divided, and subdivided, cannot do much on its own to influence public opinion. The so-called Catholic left is what allows communists to create the conditions for the woke agenda to advance in the country.

However, since “the time has come to play the game of truth,” let us be clear: among the various sectors of subversion, the Catholic left has experienced the least intervention so far.

Consider the case of Father Joseph Comblin. Despite being denounced in a petition with over 1,500,000 signatures, the Belgian communist priest walks free in Brazil. The young people persuaded by him, who conspire to overthrow the government, may be punished. However, he, who is largely responsible, remains unscathed.

Again, I don’t mean to criticize any specific person. What makes Father Comblin almost untouchable by the law is a shield that is very, very hard to break. It’s the cassock, which, by the way, he no longer wears.

Here’s why the issue is so complicated. According to the Church’s centuries-old laws, a priest can only be judged by the Church. This privilege comes from the sacred nature of the priesthood. While I can’t confirm whether this privilege still exists in the latest canon law, it has greatly shaped the religious mindset of Christians for hundreds of years. As is well known, whenever civil authorities take or threaten action against church officials, the Catholic left accuses them of violating Church rights, which can cause civil authorities to think it’s better not to confront them to avoid rallying Catholic support around the leftist clergy. The result is that individuals like Comblins and their kind often escape punishment.

* * *

Having bravely described the situation, I must suggest a remedy.

There can only be one solution. Civil authorities must expose to the country the extent of communist infiltration in Catholic circles to eliminate any doubt, even in the most remote areas. At the same time, they must urgently urge ecclesiastical leaders to address the issue. They should ask the CNBB, which is always ready to suggest solutions for problems in the secular sphere. They should also appeal to the Holy Father, to whom 1,600,368 Brazilians have written regarding this matter on TFP’s initiative.

Having made these requests publicly, decisively, and respectfully, the hierarchy will have no reason not to respond to Brazilians’ desires with immediate and fully effective actions.

There is no other suitable path. As we have seen, delaying has achieved nothing. Behind-the-scenes negotiations (it is absurd to think there were none) have led to what we see today. The leftist faction within the Church remains powerful and ready to unleash its venom on the country at the first opportunity. Only public and direct action is appropriate at the “moment of truth.” In this case, years of appeasement have yielded a valuable result, showing that waiting is futile.

* * *

However, some skeptics may argue that the hierarchy will not take any action. I believe this bleak pessimism does not exempt us from asking questions.

For the sake of argument, let’s suppose that little or nothing would be accomplished. In that case, I believe that Brazil’s right to legitimate self-defense—an inalienable right derived from the fundamental principles of the natural order—would motivate those in power to take other, always cautious and respectful, but also entirely decisive measures.

These measures would not offend Catholic opinion because Catholic doctrine does not support letting an entire country burn helplessly due to inaction.

In principle, according to Christian morality, the right to self-defense is sufficiently broad for this, as any serious moralist knows.