by Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira
As I write, a great sister country—Chile—is enduring the torments of hunger, insecurity, and discord.
We all know the cause of these torments that indiscriminately affect the ten million inhabitants of that nation. The unfortunate socialist experiment has subjected the nation’s entire socioeconomic structure to violent manipulations by egalitarian statism and dirigisme. The result is this shipwreck of the common good, which we watch with desolation.
Yes, this common good, in the name of which, even in our country, there has been no shortage of those who want to drag us into a similar experience.
The Chilean experience, apparently approaching a catastrophic end, is revealing where the true friends of the common good stand. This will become even clearer when those responsible for the present calamities leave power in Chile. Many things now hidden will come to light. That will be the time to delve deeper into the subject.
For now, I return to last Sunday’s topic.
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I then showed that the leftist minority, composed of “toads,” “Third World clergy,” professional politicians, and pseudo-intellectuals, is seeking to impose a socialist system on Argentina through elections. If success seems too doubtful, it will not hesitate to resort to a “Peronist” coup.
How can a minority manipulate conservative public opinion to drag it into accepting leftism? Obviously, by plunging it into inaction, confusion, and division. Inaction has won over vast areas of the electorate. Two opposing yet simultaneous states of mind contribute to this end. According to many, the current chaos in Argentina is merely a superficial phenomenon. Superficially, the country’s situation would be much more stable. Therefore, these non-politicized layers do not even need special care. On the contrary, according to others, who are also numerous, the facts have reached such gravity that it is no longer useful to act. Whether through optimism or pessimism, this creates stagnation in the majority and hands victory to leftist minorities.
A policy of “bluffs” has particularly favored this stampede of pessimists toward total discouragement. These “bluffs”—I will mention a few—have been expressed almost with the rigidity of “slogans,” and are as follows:
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Peronism constitutes an overwhelming majority against which no resistance is possible. Such a “bluff” rests on no concrete facts. In our world, fraught with instability, Perón’s twenty years in exile were more than enough to wear down the demagogue. This is evident in the fact that all the demonstrations organized by Justicialists throughout this crisis have been anemic and squalid. Peronism is a myth in which leftists try in vain to preserve fleeting remnants of vitality.
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The CGT and the union leaders who run it claim to represent the working class. This “bluff” only appears to be true. The CGT has immense resources, collected compulsorily from its 2.5 million members, which it uses to spread extensive propaganda. However, the demonstrations it organizes attract only a very small number of participants.
For example, it managed to gather only 15,000 people at its large demonstration on June 4, 1971.
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“Terrorism and street unrest prove the strength of the left.” The facts show that this is not true. Street unrest has been promoted by a handful of professionals. As for terrorism, it is known to be the product of a tiny minority of “violent” individuals.
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“Political parties represent the people.” This is another “bluff.” Only 9% of Argentine voters are affiliated with political parties. The political class neither understands the nation nor is understood by it.
Among the “bluffs” that the leftist leadership puts into circulation, there are others that foster optimism:
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“Perón is right-wing and will save Argentina from communism.” Perón’s statements in support of Allende and the Third World clergy are quickly dispelling any illusions about this.
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“The business class runs Argentina and is naturally opposed to socialism.” If that were the case, there would be no “toads.” Moreover, the business class has so far accepted all the nationalization measures adopted by Lanusse with docility bordering on sympathy.