The Reason for This Issue
In view of Allende’s victory in Chile and its repercussions in Brazil, the TFP launched a public campaign to disseminate the work of its director, Fabio Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, titled Frei, the Chilean Kerenski, published three years earlier (see Catolicismo, No. 198-199), showing how Eduardo Frei’s and Christian Democrat policies in Chile would lead to the rise of communism.
Because of its accuracy in predicting subsequent events, this work can be seen more as a retrospective, similar to a journalist’s insightful commentary. Alongside Fábio Vidigal Xavier da Silveira’s work, Prof. Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira’s masterful article, “The Whole Truth About the Elections in Chile,” was widely circulated, and we reproduce it below. It is an admirable statement for its insight, accuracy, and precision, taking a stand on the crisis faced by our sister nation and mainly aiming to inform the Brazilian public about the events in Chile.
TFP’s Position on the Marxist Victory in Chile
The Whole Truth About the Elections in Chile
Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira
The significant impact of the recent Chilean presidential election on public opinion in Brazil and throughout South America makes it essential to conduct a calm and objective analysis of what recently happened in our sister country.
Countless Brazilians, accustomed to turning to the TFP during times of uncertainty and pain for words that clarify, motivate, and suggest solutions, expect such analysis. Therefore, I share the thoughts of our undefeated organization here.
After Mass celebrated by Bishop Antonio de Castro Mayer at St. Anthony’s Church in São Paulo, Prof. Plinio Corrêa de Oliveira launches a campaign to clarify Brazilian opinion on the Marxist candidate’s victory in Chile. Fabio Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, author of the bestseller ‘Frei, the Chilean Kerensky,’ and Congresswoman Dulce Salles Cunha Braga are by his side.
Advance or Retreat of Communism?
The first point to note is the significance of the Chilean elections as a measure of the ideological trend of public opinion in that country and throughout South America.
In fact, the growing perception among us is that communism has made significant progress in Chile, indicating a deep shift in the previously anticommunist stance of the Latin American people. In other words, a communist victory in Chile could signal a similar triumph in our country and other sister nations.
This conclusion will likely discourage all anticommunist efforts, and communism has everything to gain. As Clausewitz taught, defeating an enemy does not always mean crushing them: sometimes, it is enough to take away their will to fight.
Therefore, the most urgent task for informing Brazilian opinion is to clarify that the result of the recent Chilean election shows not progress, but rather a setback for Marxism in our friendly neighbor. As surprising as this statement may sound, it is based on indisputable facts and figures. We gathered them from the most genuinely pro-Allende source, the Chilean communist newspaper El Siglo, dated the 5th of this month:
a) In 1964, two candidates ran for the nation’s highest office: Eduardo Frei and Salvador Allende. The former received 1,409,012 votes, accounting for 55.7% of the total votes. The latter received 977,902 votes, which was 38.7% of the total.
The votes cast for Frei came from the Christian Democrat coalition with two other parties, the Conservative and Liberal parties.
This fact is crucial: Allende was supported solely by the communists, meaning the Marxist Socialist Party, the Communist Party, and dissident communist groups. Therefore, all of Allende’s votes came from communists, and all communist votes were cast for Allende.
b) In the 1970 election, Allende ran as the candidate of a coalition. In other words, besides the communist votes mentioned earlier, he was supported by the Radical Party and a dissident faction of the Christian Democrats (MAPU). As a result, it was expected that Allende’s support would have grown and become significantly larger.
However, the opposite occurred. In the most recent election, the socialist candidate received just 36.3% of the votes, compared to 38.7% in the previous election.
Therefore, the Marxist group shrank. Even when combined with other forces, it received a smaller percentage of votes than in 1964.
Christian Democrats and other leftists are responsible for Allende’s victory.
One might object that if it is true that the electoral percentage of Marxist contingents has declined, one can at least say that the number of Marxists has grown within other political currents. Otherwise, they would not have supported Allende.
However, we Brazilians have good reason to believe this is false. The country is filled with protesting clergymen, small-time politicians, intellectuals, and pseudo-intellectuals eager for publicity, who never tire of saying that, while carefully avoiding Marxism, non-communists must join forces with its supporters to overthrow what they call the ruling oligarchy. This has been a repeated theme in Brazil for 20 or 30 years.
Now, as Napoleon observed, repetition is the most effective figure of rhetoric. The ability to preach peaceful coexistence, the policy of the “outstretched hand,’ and collaboration with Marxism and crypto-communists has caused larger or smaller groups of innocent non-communists in multiple countries to vote for communist candidates.
“There is something worse than communism: it is anticommunism,” said Frei. His lesson bore fruit. A significant electoral support from his Christian Democrat Party ranks stood out for Allende. He who sows the wind reaps the whirlwind.
The leftist clergy: a vital factor in the Marxist victory.
A special circumstance strengthens the argument that most of the votes for Allende in the recent election came from non-communists.
In 1964, communist infiltration of the Chilean clergy was much less common. The entire clergy at that time supported Frei, opposing Allende.
By 1970, this infiltration had become dangerously widespread. To make things worse, Cardinal Silva Henriquez, Archbishop of Santiago, publicly declared that it was completely lawful for a Catholic—who, by definition, is not a communist—to vote for Marxist candidates (cf. Santiago dailies Última Hora and Clarín, 12/24/1969).
Assuming this was a press mistake, the Chilean TFP wrote to the cardinal, asking him for clarification or correction. The response was silence.
Those familiar with the nature of our red clergy can accurately judge how many votes from well-meaning innocents Chile’s red clergy will have directed toward Allende, inspired by this fact.
Useful innocents, the decisive factor.
We insist. The number of Marxists did not increase in Chile. What did increase was the number of useful innocents who let themselves be fooled by the idea of using Marxist support to implement certain reforms… without becoming Marxists.
The TFP predicted it — The victory of a great book
That said, it is worth moving on to another consideration.
The TFP campaign sparked the interest of the São Paulo public, who became aware of the Chilean drama.
Brazil has seen the severe damage caused by so-called “Third Force” pressure groups, against whose actions the TFP has tirelessly warned the public through now historic campaigns. Among these efforts, special mention should be given to the dissemination of the book Frei, the Chilean Kerensky (Editora Vera Cruz, São Paulo, 1967) by one of our directors, Mr. Fábio Vidigal Xavier da Silveira, across our entire territory.
This work was published in Argentina and Venezuela and had a significant impact on the press throughout Latin America. Written with remarkable doctrinal clarity and insight, it demonstrated three years ago that Frei’s actions would lead to a victory for the communist minority.
Among us, the crypto-communist groups and the “toads” didn’t like it. We’ve seen the result.
If Paul VI had heeded our cry of alert.
Let us say a word without bitterness but full of pain.
In 1968, 120,000 Chileans joined 1,600,358 Brazilians, 280,000 Argentines, and 40,000 Uruguayans in urging Paul VI to take action against communist infiltration in Catholic circles.
The coldest and most complete silence followed our filial, respectful, submissive, anguished, and ardent plea.
Nothing was done to stem the tide in Chile (to mention only that country).
History will note that this omission played a tragic role in the upcoming drama.
Or rather, in the drama that has already begun.
International communism rejoices.
While, at least so far, no official or unofficial Catholic newspaper has spoken out against the scandal of Catholic support for communism in Chile, communist newspapers around the world are celebrating Allende’s victory as a triumph of Marxism. Fidel Castro seeks to dispel the impression of defeat caused by his speech on the failure of the Cuban sugar harvest with praise for Allende.
Allende’s pyrrhic victory.
For his part, Allende, whom some persistent optimists portray as a moderate, has already begun heading toward illegality and violence.
The will of the people is only clearly expressed through majority votes because small electoral differences can result from minor and varied causes that do not necessarily reflect a country’s true and deep aspirations. Therefore, the Chilean Constitution wisely states that, in such cases, it is Congress’s responsibility to freely choose the President from among the candidates with the most votes.
Now, the leadership of the Popular Unity—the pro-Allende electoral coalition—has staged a peaceful coup d’état by challenging Congress’s legal authority and outrightly declaring that its candidate’s victory is final. This indicates it will resort to a forceful coup if Congress does not submit to the peaceful one.
Allende attempts to start the tragedy.
Allende received 36.3% of the vote, while Alessandri secured 34.9%. The difference is minimal. Any small dispute between campaign workers or a non-ideological incident in a town or suburb could have caused it.
However, based on this tiny minority, this pyrrhic victory, Allende has already started to dismantle Congress in the name of democracy. He has declared his plan to dissolve the Senate and the House and to establish a “People’s Assembly” elected under the communist boot.
Meanwhile, he has already called for judges to be appointed politically. This signifies a slide into barbarism because, in a country where judges are appointed without proof of substantial knowledge and serve without guarantees of tenure, irremovability, and income stability, the rule of law or justice does not prevail, but barbarism.
The TFP began its campaign warning about the Marxist victory in Chile with a parade on Viaduto do Chá downtown São Paulo (photo). The campaign ended in October 1970 with a march on Afonso Pena Avenue in Belo Horizonte.
The Decision Rests with the Christian Democrats.
The votes of the Christian Democrat representatives in Congress will decide whether the president will be Allende or Alessandri. In other words, they will determine if Chile descends into communist barbarism or not.
Will the Christian Democrats escalate their misguided yet consistently maintained Third Force stance to the point of embracing barbarism?
In this regard, suspense prevails not only in Chile and the Americas but around the world. Everyone is wondering how far the Christian Democrats will go and what else countries with strong Christian Democrat parties should fear.
Paul VI could still save everything.
We now turn our gaze back to Rome.
Only one voice in the world can stop this evil: the august voice of Paul VI.
Will he stay silent and avoid making an official, clear, far-sighted, decisive, and paternal statement that could still save everything, even while on the brink of the abyss?
We earnestly pray to Divine Providence with all our hearts that he may speak this saving word.
Tantrums do not convince; only arguments do.
Some of our statements might upset some people and even lead to protests, especially among so-called Christian progressives.
Let us remind them that the facts we present are undeniable and irrefutable.
A Supplication.
We ask Our Lady of Carmel, Patroness of Chile, to have mercy on our beloved sister nation and open Brazilians’ eyes to the great danger of currents calling themselves anticommunist but supporting communists.
Note: This article was published in full in Catolicismo, No. 238, October 1970; Folha de S. Paulo, September 10, 1970; Gazeta do Povo, Curitiba, September 13, 1970; Diário de Notícias, Salvador, September 18 and 19, 1970; Tribuna da Serra, São Bento do Sul (SC), 9/19/70; Correio do Povo, Porto Alegre, 9/20/70; A Cruz, Rio de Janeiro, 9/20/ 70; Diário dos Campos, Ponta Grossa (PR), 9/20/70; Diário da Região, São José do Rio Preto (SP), 9/24/70; Diário Catarinense, Florianópolis, 10/2/70; Cidade de Blumenau, Blumenau (SC), 10/2/70; Jornal Pequeno, São Luís, 10/4/70; Correio do Ceará, Fortaleza, October 6, 1970; Jornal do Commércio, Recife, October 6, 1970; Diário do Norte, Jacarezinho (PR), October 25, 1970, and November 1, 1970. — Summaries were published in Diário da Noite, São Paulo, 9-11-70; Diário de Notícias, Rio de Janeiro, 9-11-70; Diário do Comércio & Indústria, São Paulo, 9-11-70; Diário de S. Paulo, 9-13-70; O Estado do Paraná, Curitiba, September 13, 1970; Diário do Paraná, Curitiba, September 13, 1970; Correio Braziliense, Brasília, September 15, 1970; O Fluminense, Niterói, September 15, 1970; A Gazeta, Florianópolis, September 15, 1970; Diário da Tarde, Belo Horizonte, September 15, 1970; Diário da Região, São José do Rio Preto, September 15, 1970; Folha do Comércio, Campos (RJ), September 16, 1970; Correio Lageano, Lages (SC), September 18, 1970; Diário Popular, Curitiba, September 19, 1970; O Popular, Goiânia, September 19, 1970; Cidade de Barretos, Barretos (SP), September 20, 1970; A Cidade, Ribeirão Preto (SP), September 22, 1970; Diário da Manhã, Ribeirão Preto (SP), September 26, 1970; A União, João Pessoa, September 30, 1970; Tribuna de São José, São José dos Pinhais, October 3, 1970; A Cidade, Campos (RJ), November 25, 1970.